![]() ![]() Last week, the 31 NATO member states signed a scathing communique accusing China of deploying all tools at its disposal to expand “its global footprint and project power, while remaining opaque about its strategy, intentions and military build-up.” “There is more appreciation now of how Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic are more intertwined.” “The conflict in Ukraine shifted things,” said Andrew Small, a senior trans-Atlantic fellow with the German Marshall Fund’s Asia Program. That has compelled allies to take note of their overwhelming dependence on China, including for key minerals indispensable for modern life. Germany, for its part, only recently released its first-and cautiously worded-China security strategy.īut at least since the start of Russia’s Ukraine invasion, it has also been clear to NATO allies that trade and mutual economic well-being does not always change the behavior of authoritarian states. France blocked the opening of a NATO liaison office in Tokyo to stay on Beijing’s good side. The alliance is preparing to combat the threat posed by China’s military and economic rise.Įuropeans have rarely agreed on the best way forward to deal with China, and countries have based their policies on what suits their respective national interests. Their presence illustrates how NATO is increasingly linking trans-Atlantic security to events in the Indo-Pacific. Among those who convened this month in Vilnius, Lithuania, for the yearly NATO summit were the non-NATO members Japan, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand.
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